Bashar al-Assad biography
- NAME: Bashar Hafez al-Assad
- OCCUPATION: World Leader
- BIRTH DATE: September 11, 1965 (Age: 47)
- EDUCATION: Arab-French al Hurriya School, University of Damascus, Western Eye Hospital
- PLACE OF BIRTH: Damascus, Syria
- AKA: Bashar al-Assad
- ZODIAC SIGN: Virgo
Synopsis
Born on September 11, 1965, Bashar al-Assad had no intension of entering political life, let alone becoming president of Syria. But a tragic death and a calculating father saw to it that he would. Though promising to be a transformational figure who would propel Syria into the 21st century, al-Assad failed, and has instead followed in the footsteps of his father, leading to demands for reform and responding with a violent crackdown on the people of Syria.
CONTENTS
QUOTES
"We don't kill our people ... no government in the world kills its people, unless it's led by a crazy person."
– Bashar al-Assad
Early Life
Born on September 11, 1965, Bashar Hafez al-Assad is the second son of former Syrian President Hafez al-Assad, and his wife, Anisa. Hafez had risen to power through the Syrian military and the minority Alawite political party to take control of Syria in 1970. With much of the military composed of fellow Alawite associates, he was able to integrate the military into his political regime, and ruled Syria with an iron fist for three decades.
Bashar grew up quiet and reserved, in the shadow of his more dynamic and outgoing brother, Bassel. Educated at the Arab-French al Hurriya School in Damascus, Bashar learned to speak fluent English and French. He graduated from high school in 1982, and went on to study medicine at the University of Damascus, graduating in 1988. He conducted his residency in ophthalmology at the Tishreen military hospital outside of Damascus, and then traveled to Western Eye Hospital in London, England in 1992.
At this time, Bashar was leading the life a medical student, and had no intentions of entering a political life. His father had been grooming Bassel as the future president. But in 1994, Bassel was killed in an automobile accident, and Bashar was recalled to Damascus. Bashar's life would soon radically change. Hafez quickly and quietly moved to have Bashar succeed him as president; Bashar entered the military academy at Homs, located north of Damascus, and was quickly pushed through the ranks to become a colonel in just five years. During this time, he served as an advisor to his father, hearing complaints and appeals from citizens, and led a campaign against corruption. As a result, he was able to remove many potential rivals.
Presidency
Hafez al-Assad died on June 10, 2000. In the days following his death, Syria's parliament quickly voted to lower the minimum age for presidential candidates from 40 to 34, so that Bashar could be eligible for the office. Ten days after Hafez's death, Bashar al-Assad was chosen for a seven-year term as president of Syria. In a public referendum, running unopposed, he received 97 percent of the vote. He was also selected leader of the Ba'ath Party and commander in chief of the military.
Bashar was considered a younger-generation Arab leader, who would bring change to Syria, a region long filled with aging dictators. He was well-educated, and many believed he would be capable of transforming his father's iron-rule regime into a modern state. Influenced by his western education and urban upbringing, Bashar initially seemed eager to implement a cultural revolution in Syria. He stated early on that democracy was "a tool to a better life," though he added that democracy couldn't be rushed in Syria. In his first year as president, he promised to reform the corruption in the government, and spoke of moving Syria toward the computer technology, internet and cell phones of the 21st century.
When Bashar took the reins of government,Syria's economy was in terrible shape. Lost were the decades of support from the Soviet Union after its collapse in 1991. A serious recession in the mid-1990s was exacerbated by Syria squandering its oil revenues on its second rate army. However, by 2001, Syria was showed many of the signs of a modern society—cell phones, satellite television, trendy restaurants and Internet cafes.
Nevertheless, economic reform proved difficult to achieve in the nation's state-controlled economy. After his first year as president, many of Bashar's promised economic reforms had not materialized. The grossly overstaffed and largely corrupt government bureaucracy made it difficult for a private sector to emerge, and Bashar seemed incapable of making the necessary systemic changes that would move Syria and its 17 million people into the 21st century.
In international affairs, Bashar was confronted with many of the issues his father faced: a volatile relationship with Israel, military occupation in Lebanon, tensions with Turkey over water rights, and the insecure feeling of being a marginal influence in the Middle East. Most analysts contend that Bashar continued his father's foreign policy, providing direct support to militant groups such as Hamas, Hezbollah and Islamic Jihad, though Syria officially denied this. Though a gradual withdrawal from Lebanon began in 2000, it was quickly hastened after Syria was accused of involvement in the assassination of former Lebanese premier Rafik Hariri. The accusation led to a public uprising in Lebanon, as well as international pressure to remove all troops. Since then, relations with the West and many Arab states have deteriorated, and it seems that Syria's only friend in the Middle East is Iran.
Despite promises of human rights reform, not much has changed since Bashar al-Assad took office. For nearly a decade, he successfully suppressed internal dissention, due mostly to the close relationship between the Syrian military and intelligence agencies. In 2006, Syria expanded its use of travel bans against dissidents, preventing many from entering or leaving the country. In 2007, the Syrian Parliament passed a law requiring all comments on chat forums to be posted publicly. In 2008, and again in 2011, social media sites such as YouTube and Facebook were blocked. Human rights groups have reported that political opponents of Bashar al-Assad are routinely tortured, imprisoned and killed.
Following successful regime change in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, protests began in Syria on January 26, 2011, demanding political reforms, a reinstatement of civil rights and an end to the state of emergency, which had been in place since 1963. Outraged by government inaction, the protests spread and became larger. In May 2011, the Syrian military responded with violent crackdowns in the town of Homs and the suburbs of Damascus. In June, Bashar promised a national dialogue and new parliamentary elections, but no change came, and the protests continued. That same month, opposition activists established a "National Council" to lead a Syrian revolution.
By the fall of 2011, many countries were calling for President Bashar al-Assad's resignation and the Arab League suspended Syria, leading the Syrian government to agree to allow Arab observers into the country. In January 2012, the Reuters News Agency reported that more than 5,000 civilians had been killed by the Syrian militia (Shabeeha), and that 1,000 people had been killed by anti-regime forces. That March, the United Nations endorsed a peace plan that was drafted by former UN Secretary Kofi Annan, but this didn't stop the violence. In June 2012, a UN official stated that the uprisings had transitioned into a full-scale civil war. The conflict continues, with daily reports of the killing of scores of civilians by government forces, and counter-claims by the al-Assad regime of the killings beging staged or the result of outside agitators.
The increased brutality against Syrians, including women and children, has destroyed any ideas of Bashar al-Assad as a reformer, and his claims of foreign interference have only reinforced his image as a brutal dictator in the eyes of most Syrians. In the end, Bashar al-Assad seems to be more a product of his environment than a transformational figure who could change that environment. To survive the increased alienation from other Arab states and the West, as well as internal pressures from within his own regime, he must show that he is a strong leader that will crush any signs of opposition, resentment or independence.
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